Why do they hate us?A series of issues missing from the Gaza war | Opinion

The war in Gaza appears not to be a single context, but multiple contexts. They sometimes appear separate, but they are intersected and intertwined, which adds to their complexity.

The Nakba and new displacements, the future of the so-called axis of resistance under current rules of engagement, Iran and Turkey’s relationship with the Palestinian issue – their interests appear to outweigh the Palestinian tragedy – and the paralysis of the Palestinian Authority. The inability of the United Nations, as well as international organizations, to implement a ceasefire or observe international humanitarian law, the postwar form of government in Israel, the relationship between the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, and the future of the Palestinian Authority. . There are countless such examples; but there are still problems that many people are not aware of, and in this article we focus on three of them, and then discuss the other three in the second article.

First: Ask the people of Gaza about their interest from the next day

The second day’s question concerned how to govern Gaza to provide security for all key stakeholders except the Gaza people themselves.

It included the absence of the people of Gaza but did not indicate how they were faring after the war. So far, one-third of the houses have been destroyed, more than 13,000 people have been killed, most of them women and children, and more than 20,000 people have been injured and injured, and the number is likely to increase. There is no complete report yet. List of persons missing due to continued bombing. Entire families were wiped out, three generations disappeared, and schools, universities and hospitals were destroyed.

In these circumstances; is Gaza turning into one big camp? Who will bear the burden of reconstruction? Some studies suggest that it will take two to three years to return to pre-war service levels, which were by all measures very low.

Trade, manufacturing, agriculture and other businesses have been completely destroyed, and Gazans rely mainly on humanitarian aid. Governance in Gaza is likely to be so severely disrupted that political disintegration coupled with social and economic decline is more likely than any ideal (or even manageable) arrangement the next day.

Hamas is a social and ideological movement that can be weakened but not terminated; especially if there is any idea behind Hamas, it is Hamas itself. This organization is the hope for the liberation of the Palestinian people and must therefore be preserved.

Gaza has one of the youngest populations of any region (or country) in the world, with the largest number of children and adolescents. Major conflicts tend to result in higher post-conflict population growth rates. What do these young people do when they find they have no future, and where does their anger go?

What if arrangements for the next day fail to control the entire territory and provide security, as Hamas and the Palestinian Authority previously did? Will Gaza become a hotbed of violent extremism, targeting everyone, especially Egypt (except Israel), as we have witnessed before in Sinai Governorate and Salafi-Jihadism fought by Hamas?

The next day’s talk was about America’s inability to build a nation after invading Iraq and Afghanistan.

Second: What kind of Hamas will emerge?

Operation Al-Aqsa Flood highlighted the gap between politics and armed resistance. Weapons have the final say, while politics – until now – have remained feeble.

Although Abu Ubaida always spoke and everyone was waiting for him; Khalid Meshaal and Haniyeh reportedly only had a lukewarm conversation that did not present a political discourse nor a strategy political vision, nor does it propose a strategy for unexpected victory, leading to unintended consequences and opportunities not seized. Khaled Al-Haroub, who specializes in the movement’s affairs, told the Al-Monitor newspaper.

Similar to its previous two successes in 2006 (winning legislative elections) and 2007 (taking full control of Gaza), Hamas achieved an unexpected success, which it was not prepared for and could not cope with, in a regional and international context There was unanimous opposition.

There are many questions related to the future of the organization, but not including its elimination. Hamas is a social and ideological movement that can be weakened but not terminated; especially, if there is any idea behind Hamas, according to Nathan Brown, a political science professor who specializes in regional affairs. It’s Hamas itself. This organization is the hope for the liberation of the Palestinian people and must therefore be preserved.

But how will this war change organizations? What will he do next? What would happen if the people of Gaza held him politically responsible for the genocide, crimes against humanity, destruction and killing committed by the Israeli war machine, with the explicit support of the United States and some Western governments? Most are open-ended questions.

Opinion polls conducted before Operation Al-Aqsa Flood showed that Hamas’s popularity rose when it was directly involved in the resistance, but fell when it acted as the de facto authority in Gaza. What if Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Gaza were cut out of the resistance under postwar arrangements? This is to be expected, even if the organization recovers again!

Related to the above is Hamas’s position in any negotiating process launched after the war – especially since Haniyeh announced an initiative in this regard, but no one paid attention – which raises the question of what is acceptable for Hamas to negotiate now the limit? Can it handle these initiatives through the Palestine Liberation Organization, which remains the sole representative of the Palestinian people, or are there still differences between it and Fatah?

I don’t think talking about a post-war negotiating path is on the table. Not because the dust of the war won’t settle soon, but because all parties are unprepared and need to sort out their internal documents. First; Netanyahu’s term in Israel has ended and we don’t know what form his subsequent government will take. An election year has begun in the United States, and Palestinians remain divided.

The power unleashed by political actors is so great that the answer is as likely to be determined by events as it is by conscious political action.

Third: Praise of Hate

We find the heroines of Khalid Khalifa’s novels talking about hatred with great joy. She expresses her hatred for the human values ​​​​that people stand for such as virtue, love, beauty, sincerity, patriotism, etc., as well as her hatred for the words sect and sectarianism that appear in the novel – in the 1980s. Syrian century. You also deserve praise for finding hatred as a human value that exists within everyone. This is the other side of love, but we are ashamed of our hate and express our love. Therefore, the author chose “In Praise of Hatred” as the title of the novel, also in order to reconcile with himself.

The novel takes readers from the charming city of Aleppo, the world of women and their secret lives to Afghanistan, passing through Riyadh, Aden, London and other places, weaving details that will undoubtedly leave their scent, blood and hatred, and this book The longing for love and wonder in the reader’s soul.

The live-streamed images of violence, destruction and victims will have a serious impact on everyone. Given the widespread inability to support the people of Gaza, and the failure of Arab and Islamic officials, as reflected in the Riyadh summit on 11 November, this is expected to have adverse effects within countries and among their citizens. The ceiling of violence will rise, and the consequences will be social violence and terrorism in forms that exceed those of ISIS. Historical experience tells us that each crisis context generates its own crisis discourse, as well as the violence and extremism that corresponds to it and derives its legitimacy from it.

The broader context is that a decade or more of Arab unrest, civil war, mass exodus and forced displacement is not yet over – as has emerged in Syria, Yemen, Libya, Iraq and Sudan – and justified hatred is self-fulfilling One of the means – to defend the opponent, the question is: why? Should we hate them? How can their behavior not be annoying? What do they think won’t make them hate us?

In this novel, Khalid Khalifa recounts the experience of double oppression in a society deprived of democracy by fundamentalist organizations and through multi-layered language and characters torn by questions about their future.

Hate is any type of oral, written or behavioral communication that attacks an individual or group of people or uses derogatory or discriminatory language on the basis of identity, religion, ethnic affiliation, nationality, race, colour, ancestry or gender. or one of the other identifying factors.

Will the image of Gaza’s victims and destruction, mixed with helplessness and complicity, contribute to an escalation of hate speech among citizens of various countries on the one hand, and between them and other peoples of the region on the other as they appear to be failing Success or failure? Does their government support Gaza? There is no doubt that this rhetoric will be redirected from the people of the region to the West, which has provided support and assistance to Israel’s aggression and whose position is characterized by duplicity.

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